CHAPTER 4
The Arab American Banner Society
The national/political differences between the Christian Lebanese and the Muslim Arabs motivated the Muslims to re-define their community and to form a social club and charitable organization of their own. In 1934, aligning themselves with other Arabic speaking Muslims (Sunni and Shi i) who lived in Boston, they founded the Arab American Banner Society. Mr. Omar's wife, Genivieve Omar, sewed a banner to commemorate the founding: the banner is white satin with gold fringe; the writing is red embroidery; there is an embroidered green scale, under which are two gold crossed swords with black handles; the wording is: "Arab American Banner Society, Quincy, 1934. "
Since none of the original members of the Society are still alive, the choice of its name is now a matter of speculation by their friends, relations, and this researcher. According to one friend, originally from Lebanon and currently a prominent member of the community in Quincy, the phrase, `Ar-Raya (banner) Arabiyya,' was a popular one after the downfall of the Ottomans who had raised the Islamic banner. The new theme was to raise the Arab banner as the symbol of Arab unity.
On November 9, 1937, under the provisions of the Business Corporation Law of the Commonwealth, the charter was submitted to the state. Charter members are: "Eassa Ali, Mohamed Omar, Toffee Derbes, Joseph Hassan, Fauthal Hassan, Ali El-Deeb, Mohamed Kerdy, Mohamed Mohriez and Mohammed Kedar, Aziz Abraham." Eassa Ali was from Palestine and Mohamed Mohriez from Yemen. The others were all immigrants from Syria/Lebanon. Fauthal Hassan and Aziz Abraham were of the founding families but not of the immigrant generation. According to state law, a person had to be a citizen to sign a state charter. Some founding members of the immigrant generation were not able to sign on.
The first president of the club was Eassa Ali. Ali, Mohriez, and Joseph Hassan, lived in Boston and were bachelors. Joseph Hassan was the man mentioned earlier whose sudden death shocked the community. No information was obtainable on either M. Kerdy or M. Kedar. Derbes, El-Deeb, and Omar were three of the seven immigrant founding members who lived in Quincy.
The Constitution was written in 1937, but the authors are unknown. Abdullah Abraham, the eldest founding member, enlisted a Christian Lebanese lawyer to assist in the wording. Below are excerpts:
Article I Section 2: "The purpose of the Society shall be the preservation of the racial identity among the Arabs in the United States and its development in accordance with the highest principles and traditions of American life and education; and to aid the Arabic countries in the fields of politics, education, and economics."
Article V Section 3: "The Society shall endeavor to conduct a school to teach the Arabic language and to educate our youths in the fundamentals of American Democracy."
Article II Section I: The privilege of membership in the Society was extended to all those who "desire independence for the Arab countries..."
(Article IX): "The Oath of Fidelity:"
"I solemnly swear in the name of God, patriotism and my honor to bear true loyalty, faith and fidelity to the Arab American Banner Society..."
Like other Muslims residing in America at that time, the immigrants, "seemed content, or at least constrained, to keep Islam within the parameters of their ethnic associations." In the Constitution, no reference is made to religion, while thoughts of "Arab" nationalism are evidenced.
By 1937, Western powers had colonized the Arab world, undermining any notion of Arab unity and nationalism. The immigrants expressed their opinion of this state of affairs in their constitution: "the privilege of membership was extended to all those who desire independence for the Arab countries."
There is also evidence that the Muslims saw the possibility of integrating Arab/Islamic and American values. For example, they stated as their purpose: "to educate youth in the fundamentals of American democracy... in accordance with the highest principles and traditions of American life and education."
In 1937, the Society purchased a house that was badly in need of repairs, at 470 South Street. The immigrants gathered there in the evenings to socialize and hear Mr. Omar recite the Qur'an or poetry about the life of the Prophet Muhammad. Social gatherings and the annual muharrajan (picnic) to raise money for charity, were the main activities of the Society from 1937 until 1952.
In conclusion, the earliest efforts of the immigrant generation, both Christian and Muslim, to preserve their ethnic identity, reflect a certain insecurity commonly felt by most immigrants coming to America. Sociologists call this sense, "anomie," a lack of purpose or rootlessness. Both groups attempted to reaffirm their ethnic identity and assuage their feelings of anomie by forming strong community ties and social clubs.
No doubt the Muslims were further compelled by a feeling of "religious anomie" as well. Through the organization of the Arab American Banner Society, they were able to act on their need for religious community in accordance with their means. By pooling their limited resources, they were able to fulfill one of the pillars of Islam, the zakah (annual obligatory giving of alms). Praying, another pillar of Islam, was done in the home as a family.
But the struggle for survival in America consumed most of their time and energy. During the Second World War, frustrated by waning interest, they allowed their social club to die out. After the War, their children re-activated the Arab American Banner Society. As educated professionals and business men, they were enjoying increased economic and social status typical of the experience of second generation Americans.
Unlike their parents, who came from homogeneous Islamic cultures, many of the American born Muslims were removed from the roots of their ethnic and religious heritage. They were not generally able to speak Arabic, or read the Qur'an very well if at all. They had no knowledge of religious law or history. With the exception of one, none had ever been inside a mosque.
Furthermore, their family life was altered permanently once they moved away from the Quincy neighborhood and from the home of their parents', where traditionally religion had been passed along. Under the strain of mixed marriages, they did not lead their families in prayer. They understood that their children were growing up in a religious vacuum, with no sense of religious community, no religious education, and no social setting conducive for them to find a marriageable Muslim.
They faced the challenge of how to assert their religious identity in a pluralistic society where they were an ethnic and religious minority. With whatever knowledge and resources they had, they resolved to unite the community towards a stronger in-group identity.